Sunday 5 March 2017

What happened to the wise, principled Scot?


As the never ending noise of Scotland's constitutional argument drones on, I've been wondering where the wise, principled Scot has gone.

Politics used to be defined on the left/ right scale. Small state, free market capitalists at one end and large state, nationalising socialists at the other. (This is a sweeping generalisation but you know what I mean!). The debates were straightforward. You could think about how you felt about each of the issues; about how your own attitudes, experiences and values would position you on that scale.

There were always those on the wild, outer fringes at either end of the scale. But the vast majority held the views they did because they thought they were likely to create the best economic and social results for their countrymen. Political debates and battles were grounded in the solid belief that your version of left or right was just and measured. They were debates and battles that could define our standards of living and, crucially, how we thought they could be improved. If not about that, what else is politics for?

Barring those from the outer fringes, we rubbed along pretty well. Right balanced left and left balanced right. For me, that was/ is part of the great success story that is the UK. Ours is a moderate, liberal and tolerant democracy. It has meant that whilst that political pendulum has swung over the decades, the consensus generally fell around the centre. That's what keeps the UK so stable and such a safe, desirable place for the many immigrants who have chosen to make ours, their home also.

Unfortunately, Scottish politics has been diverted off this path. Most external observers would look in on us and recognise what defines our politics now: identity. We rarely seem to have intellectual discourse on which approach to economic policy would derive the best results for Scots citizens. Scotland's politicians are elected according to whether they support the UK remaining intact or whether it should be broken up. The economic reality isn't the meat of the debate. Rather, it's whether you are Scottish or British, and Scottish nationalism has decreed that you cannot be both; they are mutually exclusive. You don't have to look much further that former First Minister, Alex Salmond for evidence of this. Last weekend he embarrassed himself ranting on a television interview about the "Yoon media". Yoon being an intended derogatory term for non SNP aligned individuals and the "Yoon media" being any newspaper or broadcaster with the temerity to report something unflattering about the SNP. The inference to supporters, of course, being that information prepared by such parties is always wrong, simply because it has been produced by "Yoons". It was quite a spectacle.




The rise of nationalism in Scotland has nurtured and developed identity to become the defining issue of our politics. On occasions when economics or social policy matters are introduced into the debate, they are spun beyond any reasonable reality. Black is argued as white, in order to support the identity argument. Even when presented in logical, clinical fashion (I am thinking about some of the excellent analysis by, amongst others, Kevin Hague, Neil Lovatt and Fraser Whyte) it is quickly rubbished, often as a sleight to Scotland; "talking Scotland down". Mostly the response to reasoned argument moves straight to ad hominem attacks from the nationalist "intelligentsia" led by the likes of Stuart Campbell (Wings over Scotland) and his faithful followers. Some of those followers, of course, include SNP MPs and MSPs.

But our politics used to involve interrogating such analysis, presenting alternative assessment and debating how a situation might be improved. That involved applying policy from either side of the centre but with an intent to improve our people's standard of living.

Today though, that doesn't happen. All debate seems to revert to identity. If that isn't the case, how can Brian Souter and Tommy Sheridan possibly have common cause? Maybe they are bad examples, coming as they do, from the wilder, outer fringes of traditional left/ right politics. But examples they are, of what nationalism has done to our politics. It has degenerated our debate. It is no longer about the great principles and ideas of how our standard of life might be improved. It is about whether you have identity X or identity Y. It's about your allegiance to one flag or another.

As others have said before me, you can't eat flags.

This depressing, backwards step in our politics is even manifesting at local level. As we approach May's council elections, I find constitutional politics interfering even in my own thinking with that. I don't want SNP councillors. Doubtless there might be some good community orientated people I am discounting, but discount them I will. I do so because by standing as an SNP candidate, and passing their Party's vetting system, I know that their over-riding political principles are about identity. I can't trust them to make decisions based on what is best for constituents because that is not what motivates their political position. Their identity as a Scot, or perhaps more simply, not British, is their defining political characteristic and driver. If not the case, why would they be an SNP candidate? They will vote/ act in every matter according to the party line, as defined by what best promotes their identity politics. At a local level, I don't see how that best serves our communities.

I don't want to have to think this way. I'd like all UK citizens to live productive lives with increasing standards of living. But that can only happen for us here in Scotland if we, and particularly our politicians, start concentrating on the right things. No matter which side of the traditional political centre you see yourself, the things that wont improve our economic fortunes and standard of living are flags and identity politics.

This shift from policy based politics to identity has, of course, worked superbly well for the SNP. Their members care about identity above all else. As Nicola Sturgeon herself said, "independence transcends everything else". There's an obvious reason this has worked so well. A majority of Scots who care about real politics and issues affecting our standard of life still vote on the left/right spectrum. Thus the Scots who don't see identity as the defining political raison d'être are largely split across Labour, Conservative and Liberal Democrat. The wise, principled Scottish vote (in my view) is therefore split according to the kind of economic and social policies they believe could improve our standard of living.  For the moment, the proponents of identity politics have the whip hand and, as a result, are beneficiaries of that oldest of tactics - divide and conquer.

I say "for the moment" because there is hope that we might find a way back from all of this. The SNP have had a decade of power. During those ten years of identity driven politics and policy, we must ask ourselves if education, health and other devolved matters have improved or declined. All but the most partisan of observer will be stretched to think the former is the case. As the inherent wisdom and principles of Scots begin to re-surface through the fug of populism and identity politics, and they will, I hope we will again progress.

 

11 comments:

  1. On the money Grant, your views strike a chord with me. It's frustrating to find single issue identity politics detracting from our devolved Government's role in improving things for all Scots. I hope you don't mind me following you on Twitter.

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  2. You've certainly put your finger on the issue of identity & politics but why only consider Scottish identity. Arguably it's English national identity which is dominating current politics across the UK at this time. It's England's anxiety with identity which has led to Brexit, English votes for English laws and the stumbling rise of UKIP. These political events & processes show an English nation struggling to come to terms with changes to their historic role in the world , to the end of Empire and the perceived loss of their own exceptionalism. Isn't that why England alone among EU nations of comparable size sees the EU as such a potential threat to their national identity ? It's the disrespect shown to the identity of others which for example has led to the sidelining of Irish identity that manifests itself in the Brexit vision for Northern Ireland and it's potential threat to the Good Friday agreement. While England as the largest country in the UK grapples with its own identity the claims that other expressions of identity are divisive mask the crisis in Englsnds own national identity and disrespects the identity of others.

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    1. "Arguably it's English national identity which is dominating current politics across the UK at this time"

      English nationalism has virtually zero influence on politics for that electorate:
      https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/English_nationalism#List_of_English_nationalist_groups

      The place people call England is peppered with regions that are as different to one another as Scotland or Wales or NI is to them. It is an over oversimplification to reason about the identity of populations so diverse as this in such crude terms (ancient land borders) IMO.


      "It's England's anxiety with identity which has led to Brexit, English votes for English laws and the stumbling rise of UKIP."

      The narrative breaks down when you consider Southern England (including London) voted to remain. So by your reasoning this anxiety only applies to half of the populous you refer to as England.

      According to one report the big three issues were:
      - ecconomy
      - sovereignty (UK.gov versus Brussels)
      - immigration
      http://natcen.ac.uk/media/1319222/natcen_brexplanations-report-final-web2.pdf

      One cannot discount either the distorting effect Nicola had on her adoring fan base wrt the remain vote in Scotland.


      "These political events & processes show an English nation struggling to come to terms with changes to their historic role in the world , to the end of Empire and the perceived loss of their own exceptionalism."

      For real? I would refer you to the three big drivers cited by voters in the report above. The evidence does not support your views here.


      "Isn't that why England alone among EU nations of comparable size sees the EU as such a potential threat to their national identity ?"

      Aside from the quetion of what population size has to do with national identity... all EU nations harbour nationalism to some degree and all invariably prosper by nominating a perceived enemy, here's just one notable counter example to your assertion that the EU is only painted as a threat in UK domestic politics...
      https://newrepublic.com/article/137756/marine-le-pen-upended-french-politics
      https://www.theguardian.com/world/2017/feb/05/marine-le-pen-promises-liberation-from-the-eu-with-france-first-policies


      "It's the disrespect shown to the identity of others which for example has led to the sidelining of Irish identity that manifests itself in the Brexit vision for Northern Ireland and it's potential threat to the Good Friday agreement. While England as the largest country in the UK grapples with its own identity the claims that other expressions of identity are divisive mask the crisis in Englsnds own national identity and disrespects the identity of others."

      The temptation to shift responsibility onto 'the English' is strong, I can see that. But bear in mind my analysis above, the electorate in the south of England voted remain. Reality does not map so well onto those medievil land borders.

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  3. Agree with every word, well said! 👍

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  4. I agree 100% with the pinpointing of identity politics. Across the whole of this island, we share a common language, media, literature, history... and hopefully even a future too.

    There is not a country or a system on Earth where the people share so much, and which has ever split in two before. If the UK did divide in this way, it would be so miserablist and backward. The basis for the division would be the fantasy that people in Manchester are somehow mystically different from people in Glasgow. The fantasy that we are like African tribes, that can be only authentically represented by states that didn't work properly in the Middle Ages. What an embarrassment! What a disaster!

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  5. The SNP is Anglophobic and it is time people stopped pussy-footing around this. For far too long the nationalists have been given the benefit of the doubt but it is becoming increasingly obvious through its EU stance that this is nothing more than Anglophobia. If you consider the SNP's argument about the EU it is clear it is an "Anyone but the English" stance! 59 MPs in Westminster compared to between six and 13 MEP's in the EU Parliament, and seven votes out of 340 odd in the council of ministers... so it isn't about "representation" and "democratic deficits"; the UK single market is four times that of the EU in terms of Scottish trade - yet the nationalists want to leave for one four times less! So it is NOT about trade; The UK obviously provides better defence than a SDF... so it is not about defence; culturally the Scots are far far closer to the English than they are say Romania etc - so it is not about culture either! And then there's "ever closer union" which WILL see eventually a United States of Europe because "ever closer union" by sheer logic has only one destination so it isn't about INDEPENDENCE either! If you go through each and every point of the EU-UK debate the EU is the worst option yet it is being pushed by the SNP. Conclusion - this is nothing more than Anglophobia and Gordon Wilson was right! And consider this, research by Glasgow Uni found that 38% of Scots were Anglophobic with SNP supporters showing the highest level. Sorry but No Voter by definition are NOT Anglophobia so who are these 38% voting for? The SNP... No you won't find it in any SNP document or manifesto but it isn't to be found in doc but the very essence of the SNP, its soul if you like, wihich is Anglophobic and racist...

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  6. I profoundly disagree with your characterisation of the cause for independence as being about "identity". It certainly isn't in my case. I am an old-fashioned Labour voter, looking to elect Labour governments which actually represent the working class. As the years rolled by, I became more and more disillusioned by the direction that Blair and Mandelson were taking my party. But even that would have been tolerable, were it not for England's propensity to vote Tory. In my lifetime, the majority of people in Scotland have not voted Tory, by a fairly large margin. Since 1997, we have elected 0/72, 1/72, 1/59, 1/59 and 1/59 tory MP's. In spite of this huge rejection of the Tories, we are now stuck (again) with a Tory government. The last straw for me was the sight of Scottish Labour MP's hugging Tories on the night of the referendum. I decided that if I wanted to see a social democracy during my lifetime, it could only be in an independent Scotland. I was born and raised in Scotland, but I have no feelings of Scottish identity. I just can't understand why my English friends have such a love affair with the Tories. Once we are independent, and we are governing ourselves in some form of (probable) social democratic coalition, I will still have my English friends, except I'll be much more relaxed in their company without their "Tory-love" being a bone of contention between us.

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    1. So does that mean you will support the potential future struggles of Orkney,Shetland and the Scottish Borders for independence from Scotland? If central Scotland keeps forcing snp governments on areas that always vote lib dem or tory then surely, by your logic, they will have legitimate reasons to abandon Scotland and maybe even rejoin the UK?

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    2. The logic of creating a new country as a reaction to a political party preference not prevailing at the ballot box. Not really a sustainable way forward is it.

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